Charles Thomson
This website, charlesthomson.com, offers an in-depth exploration of Charles Thomson's life and contributions. Born in November 1729 in County Derry, Ireland, Thomson immigrated to America in 1739, enduring the loss of his father during the voyage. Overcoming early adversities, he became a prominent figure in the American Revolution, serving as Secretary of the Continental Congress from its inception in 1774 until 1789. The site delves into his pivotal role in documenting congressional proceedings, co-designing the Great Seal of the United States, and his post-political endeavors, including translating the Bible's Old Testament from Greek. Through detailed narratives and historical documents, the website illuminates Thomson's enduring impact on the formation of the United States.
Charles Thomson: A Life Shaped by Adversity, Learning, and Service
Early Life in Ireland and Emigration to America
Charles Thomson was born during the first week of November 1729 in Gortede, parish of Maharan, County Derry, Ireland. He was the son of John Thomson, a respected man of Ulster, whose family was part of the larger Protestant emigration that drained Ireland of many industrious citizens. Historian James Anthony Froude, describing the emigration’s impact on Ireland, stated:
"And so the emigration continued. The young, the courageous, the energetic, the earnest, those alone among her colonists who, if ever Ireland was to be a Protestant country, could be effective missionaries, were torn up by the roots, flung out, and bid find a home elsewhere; and they found fifty years later had to regret that she had allowed them to be driven. The destruction of the wool trade, the enforcement of the Test Act, and the resentment created by it, swept away the Presbyterian population by tens of thousands." [1]
The destruction of Ireland's wool trade and the imposition of the Test Act drove the Thomson family, like many others, to seek refuge and opportunity in America. Pennsylvania, a colony known for its fertile land and religious tolerance under William Penn’s charter, was a beacon for immigrants. The Thomson family joined the wave of emigration that would ultimately alter the social and economic landscape of the American colonies.
The Voyage to America and a Tragic Loss
In 1739, John Thomson, a widower with six children—William, Matthew, Alexander, Charles, John, and Mary—embarked on a voyage to America to start a new life in Pennsylvania. Tragically, John succumbed to a violent illness during the journey and died just as the ship approached the Delaware coast. His body was buried at sea. Charles later recalled the heart-wrenching experience:
"I stood by the bedside of my expiring and much-loved father, closed his eyes, and performed the last filial duties to him."
Left without a father, the Thomson children were abandoned by the ship’s captain, who embezzled their remaining funds before casting them ashore in New Castle, Delaware. Separated upon arrival, the siblings faced an uncertain future. For many orphaned immigrants, survival often meant indentured servitude, and this was likely the fate of some of the Thomsons.
The German immigrant chronicler Gottlieb Mittelberger vividly depicted the appalling conditions endured by passengers on these voyages:
"During the voyage there is on board these ships terrible misery, stench, fumes, horror, vomiting, various kinds of sea-sickness, fever, dysentery, headache, heat, constipation, boils, scurvy, cancer, mouth-rot, and the like, all of which come from old and sharply-salted food and meat, also from very bad and foul water, so that many die miserably. Add to this want of provisions, hunger, thirst, frost, heat, dampness, anxiety, impatience, and other troubles. There are so many lice, especially on sick people, that they look like flour." [2]
Separated from his siblings, Charles initially lived with a blacksmith’s family, who planned to apprentice him to their trade. However, he overheard their intentions and resolved to seek a different path for himself.
A Kindness That Changed His Course
According to John F. Watson’s Annals of Philadelphia, Charles overheard the blacksmith’s family discussing his apprenticeship and acted decisively:
"He chanced to overhear them speaking on this design one night, and determining from the vigor of his mind, that he should devote himself to better business, he arose in the night and made his escape with his little all packed upon his back. As he trudged the road, not knowing whither he went, it was his chance or providence in the case, to be overtaken by a traveling lady of the neighborhood, who, entering into conversation with him, asked him 'what he would like to be in future life.' He promptly answered, he should like to be a scholar, or to gain his support by his mind and pen. This so much pleased her that she took him home and placed him at school." [3]
Though the identity of this benefactor remains unknown, her act of generosity fundamentally altered Thomson’s life. His older brother, Alexander, later contributed to Charles’s education, enabling him to attend the New London Academy under Dr. Francis Alison, a prominent educator in Chester County, Pennsylvania. Charles expressed his gratitude to Alexander by gifting him a farm near New Castle years later.
A Relentless Pursuit of Knowledge
Thomson’s time at the New London Academy revealed his unyielding drive for knowledge. Inspired by fragments of The Spectator in class, he embarked on an overnight journey to Philadelphia to purchase the complete text, ensuring he returned in time for class. His passion for Greek led him to travel to Amboy, New Jersey, where he sought out a British officer known for his linguistic expertise.
Thomson’s intellectual pursuits extended into religious studies, eventually making him a respected biblical scholar. His burgeoning reputation caught the attention of Benjamin Franklin, who helped him secure a position at the newly established Academy of Philadelphia (later the University of Pennsylvania). On December 20, 1750, the Board of Trustees formally recorded:
"Mr. Charles Thomson having offered himself as a Tutor in the Latin and Greek School, and having been examined and approved of by the Rector, is admitted as a Tutor in the Latin and Greek School at the rate of sixty pounds a year, to commence on the seventh day of January next." [4]
Legacy of Resilience and Contribution
Charles Thomson’s journey from an orphaned immigrant to a distinguished educator exemplifies the transformative power of resilience, education, and opportunity. His commitment to intellectual and personal growth shaped his later role as a revolutionary patriot and organizer, whose service to the American cause would prove pivotal in the fight for independence.
Footnotes
- James Anthony Froude, History of England from the Fall of Wolsey to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada, Vol. 1, p. 210.
- Gottlieb Mittelberger, Journey to Pennsylvania in the Year 1750 and Return to Germany in the Year 1754, translated by Carl Theo. Eben, Philadelphia, 1898, p. 31.
- John F. Watson, Annals of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania in the Olden Time, Vol. 1, p. 74.
- Trustees of the Academy of Philadelphia, Minutes of the Trustees of the Academy and College of Philadelphia, December 20, 1750.
Charles Thomson: A Revolutionary Patriot and Organizer of Liberty
Colonial Resistance and Advocacy for Indigenous Rights
Charles Thomson, deeply committed to justice and liberty, was actively involved in resisting British colonial policies for decades. His early opposition to the treatment of Native Americans during the French and Indian War established his reputation as an advocate for marginalized groups. Serving as secretary at the Treaty of Easton (1758), Thomson gained firsthand experience in negotiations. His 1759 publication, An Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawenese Indians from the British Interest, was a groundbreaking critique of British policies and an attempt to explain the loss of Indigenous allies.
In the introduction to this work, Thomson writes:
"It has been to many a Cause of Wonder, how it comes to pass that the English have so few Indians in their Interest, while the French have so many at Command; and by what Means, and for what Reasons those neighboring Tribes in particular, who, at the first Arrival of the English in Pennsylvania, and for a long Series of Years afterwards, shewed every Mark of Affection and Kindness, should become our most bitter Enemies, and treat those whom they so often declared they looked upon as their Brethren, nay as their own Flesh and Blood, with such barbarous Cruelties." [1]
Thomson's detailed account laid bare the exploitation and broken promises that alienated Indigenous groups, and it remains a valuable historical document.
The Stamp Act Crisis and Thomson’s Role as "The Sam Adams of Philadelphia"
The Stamp Act of 1765 thrust Thomson into the political arena, where he emerged as one of the most vocal leaders of colonial resistance. Initially allied with Benjamin Franklin in Pennsylvania’s anti-proprietary battles, Thomson diverged from Franklin’s more cautious approach during the Stamp Act crisis. His fervor and dedication earned him the nickname "The Sam Adams of Philadelphia", underscoring his role as a driving force for liberty in the city.
John Adams noted Thomson’s prominence during this time, writing:
"Walked a little about town; visited the market, the State House, the Carpenters' Hall, where the Congress is to sit; then called at Mr. Mifflin's, a grand, spacious and elegant house. Here we had much conversation with Charles Thomson, who is, it seems, about marrying a lady, a relation of Mr. Dickinson's, with five thousand pounds sterling. This Charles Thomson is the Sam Adams of Philadelphia, the life of the cause of liberty, they say."
(The Life and Works of John Adams, Vol. 2, p. 358)
Organized Resistance Against the Stamp Act
Thomson played a pivotal role in preventing John Hughes, the appointed stamp collector for Pennsylvania, from assuming his post. On October 5, 1765, he joined a citizen committee to demand Hughes’ resignation. Despite Hughes being bedridden, the committee successfully extracted a promise from him not to enforce the Stamp Act. Later, Hughes expressed his unease over the encounter, stating:
"Well, gentlemen, you must look to yourselves; for this is a high affair."
To which Thomson replied:
"I do not know, but I hope it will not be deemed rebellion. I know not how it may end, for we have not yet determined whether we will ever suffer the act to take place here or not."
Thomson described the chaos caused by the Stamp Act in a letter dated November 9, 1765:
"The confusion in our city and province, and indeed through the whole colonies, is unspeakable by reason of the late Stamp Act. The courts of justice and the offices of government are all shut; numbers of people who are indebted take advantage of the times to refuse payment and are moving off with all their effects out of the reach of their creditors. Our ports are shut, except to such vessels as were cleared before the 1st inst. Thus credit is gone, trade and commerce at a stand. That peace which we ardently wished by one fatal act only presents us with a prospect of confusion and beggary." [2]
Continued Opposition to British Taxation
Thomson’s opposition to British taxation remained steadfast. In a November 26, 1769, letter to Franklin, he articulated the colonists' deepening grievances:
"How much farther they may proceed is uncertain, but from what they have already done, the colonies see that their property is precarious and their liberty insecure. It is true the impositions already laid are not very grievous; but if the principle is established, and the authority by which they are laid admitted, there is no security for what remains. The very nature of freedom supposes that no tax can be levied on a people without their consent given personally or by their representatives. It was not on account of the largeness of the sum demanded by Charles I. that ship money was so odious to the commons of England. But because the principle upon which it was demanded left them nothing they could call their own. The continuation of this claim of the Parliament will certainly be productive of ill consequences, as it will tend to alienate the affections of the colonies from the mother country—already it has awakened a spirit of enquiry. The people by examining have gained a fuller knowledge of their rights and are become more attentive and watchful against the encroachments of power, at the same time they are become more sensible of the resources they have among them for supplying their real wants. Resentment as well as necessity will drive them to improve them to the utmost, and from the genius of the people and the fertility of the soil, it is easy to foresee that in the course of a few years they will find at home an ample supply of all their wants. In the meanwhile their strength, power, and numbers are daily increasing, and as the property of land is parcelled out among the inhabitants and almost every farmer is a freeholder, the spirit of liberty will be kept awake and the love of freedom deeply rooted; and when strength and liberty combine it is easy to foresee that a people will not long submit to arbitrary sway." [3]
Thomson and the Boston Port Bill
The passage of the Boston Port Bill (1774) ignited colonial outrage, uniting diverse factions against British oppression. When Paul Revere arrived in Philadelphia with Boston’s resolutions on May 19, 1774, he carried private letters addressed to Thomson, among others. These letters prompted a meeting at the City Tavern on May 20, where Thomson and his allies began organizing a colonial response.
Sydney George Fisher described the delicate balance Thomson and others maintained to unite disparate groups:
"The liberty party were in a peculiar position. They had to be very shrewd and cautious. They could win applause and distinction neither by violent action nor by violent speech. The child of liberty which they were nursing could bear no noise. If they were to build up their party with recruits from Quakers, Episcopalians, and Germans, they must move slowly and with cold and calculating sagacity."
(Pennsylvania: Colony and Commonwealth, p. 299)
Appointment as Secretary of the Continental Congress
Thomson’s tireless dedication to the colonial cause led to his appointment as Secretary of the Continental Congress on September 5, 1774. His recollection of the event captures the gravity of the moment:
"I was married to my second wife on a Thursday; on the next Monday, I came to town to pay my respects to my wife's aunt and the family. Just as I alighted in Chestnut Street, the door-keeper of Congress (then first met) accosted me with a message from them requesting my presence. Surprised at this, and not able to divine why I was wanted, I however bade my servant put up the horses, and followed the messenger myself to the Carpenters' Hall, and entered Congress. Here was indeed an august assembly, and deep thought and solemn anxiety were observable on their countenances. I walked up the aisle, and standing opposite to the President, I bowed, and told him I waited his pleasure. He replied, 'Congress desire the favor of you, sir, to take their minutes.' I bowed in acquiescence, and took my seat at the desk." Letters of the Delegates
Although Charles Thomson was elected as Secretary of the Continental Congress on September 5, 1774, he did not immediately assume his duties. Evidence suggests that he began performing the responsibilities of his office five days later, on September 10, 1774. Historian Dr. Herbert Friedenwald, who conducted an extensive study of the records of the Continental Congress, provides critical insight into Thomson’s delayed start:
"Charles Thomson, as is well known, was elected Secretary upon the first day of the meeting of the Congress of 1774, and he retained his office until the end. But although this was the case, the original Journal covering the first five days of the Congress is not in his hand. For some reason, he seems not to have taken up the duties of his office until the 10th of September. Then he examined what had been recorded during his absence, and made sundry additions, corrections, and erasures. The entry of his own election read originally 'Charles Thomson, Secretary.' This he changed to read, as we find it in the printed Journal, 'Mr. Charles Thomson was unanimously elected Secretary,' and the hand is unmistakable." [1]
Thomson’s early meticulousness and attention to detail set a standard for the records of the Continental Congress. His conscientious revisions ensured that the journals accurately reflected the proceedings, solidifying his reputation for precision.
The Character of the First Continental Congress
The First Continental Congress is widely regarded as one of the most distinguished assemblies in American history. The caliber of its members and the significance of its deliberations have drawn praise from both contemporaries and later historians. William Pitt, the Earl of Chatham, lauded the Congress in a speech delivered to Parliament:
"I must declare and avow, that in all my reading and study,—and it has been my favorite study: I have read Thucydides, and have studied and admired the master states of the world,—that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion, under such a complication of circumstances, no nation or body of men can stand in preference to the General Congress at Philadelphia." [2]
Pitt’s high regard for the Congress reflects the depth of its deliberations and the quality of its members. Of the fifty-two delegates elected, forty-four were present on the first day, forming a group unmatched in dignity, learning, and commitment to the colonial cause. The roll call included iconic figures such as John and Samuel Adams, Stephen Hopkins, Roger Sherman, John Jay, Joseph Galloway, Caesar Rodney, Thomas McKean, George Read, John and Edward Rutledge, Henry Middleton, George Washington, and Patrick Henry.
Firsthand Observations of the Delegates
The remarkable character of the delegates was frequently remarked upon by their contemporaries. Writing during the proceedings, John Adams described the assembly as a congregation of the continent’s most eminent men:
"There is in the Congress a collection of the greatest men upon the continent in point of abilities, virtues, and fortunes." [3]
Similarly, Joseph Reed, another key figure in the Revolution, observed the contrasts between delegates from different colonies. In a letter written during the Congress, he noted the assertiveness and prestige of the Virginia representatives:
"There are some fine fellows come from Virginia, but they are very high. The Bostonians are mere milksops to them. We understand they are the capital men of the colony, both in fortune and understanding."
(Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, Vol. I, p. 74) [4]
This diversity of personalities and approaches created a dynamic and robust forum for debate, as each delegate brought unique perspectives and expertise to the assembly.
A Historic Gathering
The First Continental Congress marked a critical moment in the lead-up to the American Revolution. The delegates not only represented the political, economic, and intellectual elite of the colonies but also embodied a commitment to unity and collective action. Their deliberations laid the groundwork for the resistance to British tyranny, showcasing the strength of their resolve and their ability to work across regional differences. Charles Thomson’s role as Secretary ensured that the records of this seminal event were faithfully preserved, providing future generations with an invaluable window into the birth of American independence.
Citations
[1] Herbert Friedenwald, The Records of the Continental Congress.
[2] William Pitt, Speech to Parliament.
[3] John Adams, The Life and Works of John Adams, Vol. 2.
[4] Joseph Reed, Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, Vol. I, p. 74.
John Trumbull (1750–1831), a renowned poet of the Revolutionary period, captured the gravitas and historical significance of the First Continental Congress in his celebrated work Elegy on the Times.
"Now meet the fathers of this western clime,Nor names more noble graced the rolls of fame,When Spartan firmness braved the wrecks of time,Or Rome's bold virtues fanned the heroic flame."Not deeper thought the immortal sage inspired,On Solon's lips when Grecian senates hung;Nor manlier eloquence the bosom firedWhen genius thundered from the Athenian tongue."
Charles Thomson’s Role During the First Continental Congress
Upon assuming his duties as Secretary of the Continental Congress, Charles Thomson was profoundly aware of the gravity of the assembly’s purpose and the weight of its decisions. His initial reflections capture the solemnity of the moment. After the organization of Congress, one of the first major debates arose: should voting be conducted by colonies, by poll, or by interests? As the members contemplated the issue, a heavy silence filled the room. Thomson later recalled:
"None seemed willing to break the eventful silence until a grave-looking member, in a plain dark suit of minister's gray, and unpowdered wig, arose. All became fixed in attention on him. As he proceeded, he evinced such unusual force of argument, such novel and impassioned eloquence as soon electrified the house. Then the excited inquiry passed from man to man, 'Who is it? Who is it?' The answer from the few who knew him was, 'It is Patrick Henry!'" [1]
This anecdote illustrates the caliber of individuals assembled and their shared determination to address the pressing issues facing the colonies.
Thomson’s Efforts Toward Unity
Thomson’s prior work in town meetings and committees of correspondence bore fruit during the Congress. His efforts, alongside other patriots, aimed to unify the colonies in resisting British oppression and to transform the cause of Massachusetts into a cause shared by all. The proceedings of Congress reflected the success of these efforts, particularly in their unanimous resolve to claim their rights based on the immutable laws of nature. Even Adolphus, a Tory historian often critical of colonial resistance, acknowledged the newfound unity among the colonies:
"No longer did America exhibit the appearance of rival colonies, piquing themselves on separate rights, and boasting the relative advantages of different charters and different constitutions; all such sentiments were buried in oblivion; the same grievances, although not felt by all, were complained of by all; and the same remedy, without apparent previous communication, was generally recurred to, with the only difference of more or less violence according to the genius of the people, or the temper of the favorite leaders." - (Adolphus' History of England, Vol. 2, p. 129) [2]
Thomson’s Record-Keeping Practices
Thomson’s meticulous record-keeping was integral to the success of Congress. Dr. Herbert Friedenwald, in his work The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress, described Thomson’s methods and the structure of Congress’s records. Friedenwald noted:
"Charles Thomson, as is well known, was elected Secretary upon the first day of the meeting of the Congress of 1774, and he retained his office until the end. But although this was the case, the original Journal covering the first five days of the Congress is not in his hand. For some reason, he seems not to have taken up the duties of his office until the 10th of September. Then he examined what had been recorded during his absence, and made sundry additions, corrections, and erasures. The entry of his own election read originally 'Charles Thomson, Secretary.' This he changed to read, as we find it in the printed Journal, 'Mr. Charles Thomson was unanimously elected Secretary,' and the hand is unmistakable." [3]
Thomson preserved not only the official Journals of Congress but also an array of supplementary materials, including committee reports, motions, and other “small bones of history,” as noted by Theodore F. Dwight, Chief of the Bureau of Rolls and Library:
"Charles Thomson, as you know, was the 'perpetual Secretary' of the Continental Congress; and, from all I can gather, he was a man of the strictest probity, and was most conscientious in the discharge of his important trusts. It would be interesting to discover how much influence he exerted in the first councils. I am confident it was considerable. To him we owe the preservation of all the records of the Continental Congress,—not only the Journals, but all those fragments now so precious, e.g., the original motions, the reports of committees, the small odds and ends, which are the small bones of history. They are all in this room, and at my elbow as I write." - (Letter to Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, December 23, 1884) [4]
Thomson’s Role in the Declaration of Independence
Thomson was present during the momentous reading of the Declaration of Independence on July 8, 1776, in Independence Square, where a young Deborah Logan, then fifteen, witnessed the historic event. She described the occasion vividly:
"How a little time spreads the mantle of oblivion over the most important events! It is now a matter of doubt at what hour or how the Declaration was given to the people; perhaps few remain who heard it read on that day; of those few, I am one, being in the lot adjoining to our old mansion in Chestnut Street, that then extended to Fifth. I distinctly heard the words of that instrument read to the people (I think from the State-house steps, for I did not see the speaker) . . . I think it was Charles Thomson's voice. It took place a little after twelve at noon, and they then proceeded down the street (I understood) to read it at the Court house." - (Potter's American Monthly, Vol. 6, p. 269) [5]
Thomson’s Reflections on Congress’s Decline
As the Continental Congress evolved, Thomson observed a decline in the quality and patriotism of its members. By the time the Congress relocated to York, Pennsylvania, while Washington’s army encamped at Valley Forge, he expressed disappointment in its composition and operations. Rivington’s Gazette, a Tory newspaper, reported with disdain on the Congress’s flight from Philadelphia:
"As soon as the rebels learned that the British fleet was at the head of the Chesapeake, a motion was made in the Congress for an adjournment to some place 'at least one hundred miles from any part of God's Kingdom where the British mercenaries can possibly land,' which, after some rapturous demonstrations, was carried nem. con. Immediately the Congress commenced the retreat, leaving old nosey Thomson to pick up the duds and write promises to pay (when Congress should return) the Congress debts."
(Rivington’s Gazette, December 21, 1777) [6]
Despite such challenges, Thomson’s unwavering commitment to his duties and his role in preserving the historical records of the Continental Congress secured his legacy as one of the most vital figures of the American Revolution.
Citations
[1] Charles Thomson, Reminiscences, date unknown.
[2] Adolphus, History of England, Vol. 2, p. 129.
[3] Dr. Herbert Friedenwald, The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress, 1896.
[4] Theodore F. Dwight, Letter to Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, December 23, 1884.
[5] Deborah Logan, Potter's American Monthly, Vol. 6, p. 269.
[6] Rivington’s Gazette, December 21, 1777.
Charles Thomson as Acting President of the Continental Congress
On October 29, 1777, the Continental Congress found itself embroiled in debates over the Articles of Confederation, the document that would serve as the first constitution of the United States. During these debates, John Hancock, who was then serving as President of Congress, formally requested a leave of absence. His request was initially denied due to the critical nature of the constitutional deliberations. However, Hancock ultimately resigned on the 29th, citing his inability to continue in the role. In response, Congress resolved:
"Resolved, That the secretary officiate as president until a new choice is made."[1]
This resolution temporarily elevated Charles Thomson, the Secretary of the Congress, to the role of acting President. Thomson presided over the debates and proceedings surrounding the Articles of Confederation during this pivotal moment in American history.
Proceedings Under Thomson’s Presidency
While serving as acting President, Thomson oversaw numerous resolutions on October 30th and 31st, 1777, as recorded in the Journals of the Continental Congress. These included directives on financial matters, military logistics, and amendments to the Articles of Confederation. One such resolution addressed funding for prisoners of war:
"Ordered, That there be advanced to Stevens Thomson Mason, Esqr., appointed deputy commissary for the prisoners of war in Virginia, two thousand dollars, for the maintenance of the said prisoners, and for which he is to be accountable; and that a copy of this order, signed by the secretary, be a sufficient voucher to the treasurer to pay this sum."[2]
The Congress also addressed wartime manufacturing and resources. A resolution from the Board of War emphasized the urgency of producing military supplies:
"Resolved, That the government of the State of Connecticut be requested to permit the workmen at Salisbury iron works to cast mortars for continental use of such calibres, and in such numbers, as shall be directed by Brigadier General Knox, and that he be informed of this resolution, and desired to write to Governor Trumbull on the subject."[3]
Amendments to the Articles of Confederation were a key focus of Congress during this period. Debate centered on refining the framework of governance, including measures to ensure equitable representation and financial accountability. For example, Congress deliberated over a proposal to strike out and amend portions of the 14th Article to clarify taxation and appropriations:
"In the 9 line to strike out 'agree on and fix' and assert 'ascertain,' and after 'sums' to strike out 'and expences,' and insert, 'of money to be raised for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying the public expences.' In the 11 line after 'States,' to add, 'transmitting every half year to the respective states an account of the money so borrowed or emitted.'"[4]
These deliberations extended into November 1st, when Congress elected Henry Laurens as the new President. The Articles of Confederation were finalized and passed on November 15, 1777, with the stipulation that they required ratification by all thirteen states before coming into effect.[5]
Concerns Over Declining Congressional Quality
By 1778, Thomson had grown concerned about the diminishing quality and commitment of Congress’s members. Many of the most capable leaders had left, and the body struggled to maintain its effectiveness. In January 1778, President Henry Laurens lamented:
"A most shameful deficiency in this branch is the greatest evil, and is, indeed, the source of almost all our evils. If there is not speedily a resurrection of able men, and of that virtue which I thought to be genuine in seventy-five, we are gone. We shall undo ourselves."[6]
Thomson shared the concerns of George Washington, who wrote in March 1779 about the consequences of this decline:
"Friends and foes seem now to combine to pull down the goodly fabric we have been raising at the expense of so much time, blood, and treasure."[7]
 |
Charles Thomson signed Military Commission as Secretary of the The Continental Congress |
The Thomson-Laurens Feud
One of the few controversies in Thomson’s career arose during Laurens’s presidency. On September 1, 1779, Laurens accused Thomson of disrespectful behavior, including refusing to provide copies of Congressional resolutions and failing to rewrite official documents legibly. Laurens provided a detailed account of one incident where Thomson allegedly refused to give him a copy of the Congressional journal:
"His first answer was—'I won't'—I replied, 'You won’t, Mr. Thomson? What language is this? I tell you, I want them for my State.' To which he again answered, 'I won’t,' but added, 'till I have given every member present one.' Mr. Thomson then descended from the platform; I reached out my hand to take another copy; he snatched it from me and said, 'You shan't have it.' This repeated insult brought instantly to my mind his former conduct, and provoked me to say he was a most impudent fellow, that I had a good mind to kick him; he turned about, doubled his fist and said, 'You dare not.'"[8]
Thomson responded to the charges on September 6, 1779, denying Laurens’s accusations and criticizing Laurens’s conduct as President. Thomson described instances where Laurens failed to uphold the dignity of his office:
"I saw him at the afternoon sessions so far unmindful of his station and dignity as to rise and debate questions as a delegate, then sit down, and, as President, hear himself replied to. At one time in one of such debates, he so far forgot himself as to answer from the chair an honorable member from North Carolina by singing aloud, 'Poor little Penny, poor little Penny, sing tan-tarra-ra-ra.' At another time, when he was reading a report brought in by an honorable member from Massachusetts Bay, [he stopped] in the middle of a sentence and exclaimed, 'Solomon Grundy! Did you ever see such a Solomon Grundy?'" [ 9]
Despite the heated exchange, no formal action was taken by Congress, and the two men later reconciled. By June 17, 1784, Thomson wrote to Laurens congratulating him on his health and offering an update on foreign relations.[10]
Economic Struggles and Currency Crisis
The economic crisis of the Revolutionary War compounded Congress’s challenges. By April 1779, the Continental dollar had depreciated to just five cents. This financial instability severely hindered Congressional operations. Robert Morris, a key financier, observed:
"We are disputing about liberties, posts, and places at the very time we ought to have nothing in view but the securing of those objects and placing them on such a footing as to make them worth contending for among ourselves hereafter."[11]
The Devaluation of the Continental Dollar
Throughout Thomson’s tenure, economic instability plagued the United States. By 1780, the Continental dollar had depreciated so significantly that in some areas, fifty paper dollars equaled one Spanish silver dollar. The fiscal crisis forced Congress to address the urgent need for monetary reform. President Samuel Huntington emphasized this in March 1780, stating:
"The only solution to the United States’ financial ills is fixing a standard for the currency." [12]
Thomson witnessed firsthand the challenges posed by this financial turmoil, yet his steadfast commitment to the revolutionary cause never wavered.
The table below outlines the official depreciation of the U.S. dollar from May 1775 to March 1780, illustrating the severity of the crisis. [13]
Footnotes
- Journals of the Continental Congress, October 29, 1777.
- Ibid., October 30, 1777.
- Ibid.
- Ibid., October 31, 1777.
- Ibid., November 15, 1777.
- Laurens, Collected Papers, January 1778.
- Washington, Papers of George Washington, March 1779.
- Laurens, Collected Papers, September 1, 1779.
- Thomson, Letters and Documents of the Continental Congress, September 6, 1779.
- Ibid., June 17, 1784.
- Morris, Collected Correspondence, April 1779.
- Journals of the Continental Congress, March 1780.
- Huntington, Correspondence, March 1780.
Date
|
U.S. Dollars
|
Spanish Milled Silver Dollar
|
May 10, 1775
|
1
|
1
|
March 1, 1778
|
1.75
|
1
|
September 1, 1778
|
4
|
1
|
March 1, 1779
|
10
|
1
|
September 1, 1779
|
18
|
1
|
March 18, 1780
|
40
|
1
|
Copyright
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© Stan Klos 2008
|
Charles Thomson’s Account of American Hardships During the Revolution
In October 1780, Charles Thomson, as Secretary of the Continental Congress, wrote to John Jay, then Minister to Spain, providing a sobering account of the nation’s dire circumstances during the Revolutionary War. Thomson vividly described the financial and logistical struggles of the colonies, coupled with the resolve of the American army in the face of tremendous adversity. He stated:
"Upon this, our enemies took courage and, flattering themselves that Congress must sink under these embarrassments, they set every engine to work to continue and increase them, by counterfeiting the currency, multiplying their emissaries to decry its credit, tampering with our army and at the same time prosecuting the war with a greater degree of vigor than they had done from the commencement of it. To the honor of our country, I must inform you that history cannot produce such instances of fortitude, patience and perseverance as were exhibited by our virtuous army. Though exposed to hunger and nakedness amidst the rigors of a most inclement winter, they struggled through with unparalleled firmness, and notwithstanding the tempting bribes and offers of the enemy, and the incredible hardships our soldiers suffered, the desertions were comparatively few." [1]
Thomson’s philosophical approach to the colonies' financial struggles reflected his understanding of the broader challenges faced by emerging nations. His commentary in the Collections of the New York Historical Society captured the resilience of the American experiment:
"I would just observe, that if old established nations, populous, rich, and powerful, whose governments are fixed, whose revenues are settled, who have armies raised and fleets equipped, whose towns are fortified and whose arsenals and magazines are stored with implements and necessaries for war, if such nations find themselves under difficulties for want of money by one or two years' war with a nation weakened and greatly exhausted, what wonder if a young Commonwealth, whose inhabitants are poor and thinly scattered over a large extent of country, which was just emerging from the difficulties of settling a wilderness, and which being without arms, ammunition or military stores and without any established government, what wonder if such a nation, under such circumstances forced into a war with one of the most powerful nations in the world should, after carrying on that war for six years with no other revenue than the voluntary contributions of the people, find itself embarrassed in its finances and under a necessity of applying for aid to other nations whose interest it is to humble the power with which it is contending." [2]
Despite these immense difficulties, Thomson's faith in the eventual success of the United States remained steadfast. Benjamin Franklin, frustrated by Congress's inefficiency in addressing his financial accounts with the government, once hinted at the ingratitude of republics. Thomson, however, never shared Franklin’s pessimism. In response, he expressed optimism:
"Though you and I have lived to see a great work accomplished, yet much remains to be done to secure the happiness of this country." [3]
Thomson’s Expanding Role in Foreign and Domestic Affairs
As the Revolution progressed, Thomson took on responsibilities now typically associated with the Secretary of State. Among these duties, he maintained the Secret Journal of Foreign Affairs and managed correspondence with American diplomats abroad. His meticulous record-keeping and dedication earned him the admiration of leaders such as John Jay, who, while serving as Minister to Spain in 1781, wrote:
"I wish in my heart that you were not only Secretary of Congress, but Secretary also for Foreign Affairs. I should then have better sources of information than gazettes and reports." [4]
In addition to foreign affairs, Thomson frequently issued military orders on behalf of Congress. For instance, in September 1781, he directed communications to Major General Arthur St. Clair, reflecting the trust placed in him to handle sensitive military matters.
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By the United States in Congress Assembled September 19, 1781 Ordered that Major General St. Clair cause the levies of the Pennsylvania line now in Pennsylvania to rendezvous at or near Philadelphia with all possible exposition. Extract from the minutes -- Charles Thompson |
Thomson’s Expanded Administrative Powers
In 1782, Congress took significant steps to alleviate the administrative burdens on the President of the United States in Congress Assembled. On January 28, 1782, a resolution transferred many of the president's responsibilities to Charles Thomson as Secretary. The resolution stated:
"In order that the President may be relieved from that load of the business with which he is unnecessarily encumbered… Resolved, That it shall be the business of the Secretary—"
The detailed resolution outlined Thomson’s new duties, which included:
- Transmitting Congressional orders and resolutions to department heads, including the Superintendent of Finance, Secretary of War, and Secretary for Foreign Affairs.
- Maintaining correspondence, answering memorials, petitions, and communications unless explicitly directed otherwise by Congress.
- Keeping detailed records, including a daily register of petitions and communications received by Congress.
- Authenticating acts and proceedings not specifically handled by the President.
- Supervising the printing of Congressional journals and records.
- Custody of the public seal and ensuring its proper use. [5]
This restructuring highlighted Thomson’s pivotal role in ensuring the efficient operation of Congress and its executive functions.
In June 1782, the USCA enacted legislation creating a seal for the United States. The Seal adopted was Secretary Charles Thomson’s drawing representing the assemblage of three different Committee designs of the Great Seal of the United States in Congress Assembled:
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| 1782 Great Seal of the United States designed by Charles Thomson |
In June 1782, the USCA enacted legislation creating a seal for the United States. The Seal adopted was Secretary Charles Thomson’s drawing representing the assemblage of three different Committee designs of the Great Seal of the United States in Congress Assembled:
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| First Die of the Great Seal of the United States, 1782 |
Charles Thomson Signed Broadside on Trade
On April 30, 1784, the United States in Congress Assembled adopted a resolution urging the states to grant the federal government limited authority to regulate trade for a period of fifteen years. They ordered Charles Thomson to print a broadside, sign each one and transmit the resolutions to the States.
Specifically, Congress sought temporary power to prohibit the import or export of certain goods. This proposal highlighted the glaring deficiencies of the Articles of Confederation, under which Congress lacked the power to effectively manage foreign trade or regulate commerce between the states.
The resolution was driven by pressing economic issues. The fledgling United States was struggling to assert itself in the international marketplace. Without centralized control over trade, states often imposed conflicting tariffs, undermining efforts to present a unified economic front. Additionally, foreign nations—particularly Great Britain—exploited the lack of federal authority to flood the American market with goods while imposing severe restrictions on American exports. This created significant trade imbalances that harmed domestic industries and regional economies.
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| Charles Thomson signed Broadside as Secretary of the The United States in Congress Assembled at the Annapolis session in 1784 |
By requesting the ability to regulate trade temporarily, Congress aimed to achieve several key objectives:
Protect Domestic Producers: The power to restrict imports would allow the federal government to shield American industries from foreign competition and predatory pricing tactics by established European powers.
Establish Reciprocity in Trade: Controlling exports would provide leverage in negotiations with foreign nations, ensuring that American goods could access overseas markets on fair terms.
Address Interstate Conflicts: Granting Congress authority over trade would help mitigate disputes between states. States often imposed tariffs on goods from neighboring states, creating tensions and hindering the free flow of commerce within the Union.
Strengthen National Unity: A centralized trade policy would reinforce the notion of the United States as a single, cohesive economic entity, rather than a collection of independent states pursuing divergent interests.
The resolution of April 30, 1784, marked an important step toward the eventual recognition that stronger federal powers were necessary to manage the country's economic affairs. However, the states were reluctant to relinquish even temporary control over trade, fearing it would encroach upon their sovereignty. Despite Congress’s appeal, the states largely resisted granting this authority, underscoring the weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation in addressing national economic and political challenges.
This failure to secure regulatory power over trade became one of the many catalysts for the Constitutional Convention of 1787, where the creation of a stronger federal government, including the explicit power to regulate interstate and international commerce, became a cornerstone of the new Constitution.
Thomson’s Service Under the Committee of the States
By 1784, Congress implemented a provision from the Articles of Confederation allowing a Committee of the States to manage national affairs during Congressional recesses. The Committee, consisting of one member from each state, faced logistical challenges from its inception. Congress adjourned on June 3, 1784, and the Committee convened in Annapolis on June 4. However, achieving a quorum proved difficult, as representatives from nine states were required to proceed with business.
Thomson was granted a leave of absence during this time, with clerks Messrs. Bankson and Remsen temporarily assuming his duties. Efforts to convene the Committee at alternative locations, such as Trenton or Philadelphia, also failed. On October 1, 1784, Thomson wrote:
"But it does not appear to me that any Committee will be formed before the meeting of Congress, which is to be at Trenton on the 30th of this month." [6]
The inefficiencies of the Committee of the States underscored the structural weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation, foreshadowing the need for a stronger federal government under the Constitution.
References
[1] Collections of the New York Historical Society for the Year 1878, p. 33.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Correspondence between Charles Thomson and Benjamin Franklin, 1788.
[4] John Jay to Charles Thomson, 1781, Papers of John Jay.
[5] Journals of the Continental Congress, January 28, 1782.
[6] Charles Thomson to the Committee of the States, October 1, 1784.
"Pursuant to the order of Congress, I prepared three commissions for our ministers for negotiating treaties with the commercial powers of Europe, one empowering them to negotiate additional treaties of commerce with France, conformable to the instructions given, another doing the same with the United Netherlands, and a third for the like purpose with Sweden. These, I forwarded yesterday, together with the duplicate of the instructions given May 30th and October 29th, 1783, the answer of Congress of October 29th, to the letter from the Burgomasters and Senate of the imperial free city Hamburg, the act of November 1st, 1783, the act of March 16th, 1784, on the letters of November 1st and December 25th from Doctor Franklin, the instructions of the 7th and 11th of last month and those given on the 3rd instant, which comprehend the whole business now before them; and for their further information, I have forwarded to them a copy of the Journal of the last session of Congress up to May 28th, and a newspaper containing the ordinance for putting the treasury into commission, and the appointment and powers of the Committee of the States." [1]
Reflecting on the broader implications of the Committee's work and its shortcomings, historian B. L. Rayner commented:
"The scheme was found to be an impracticable one, though it was the best within the authority of Congress at that time to adopt. And on the whole, it was a happy circumstance for our Republic, that the theory proved as impracticable as it did; for it developed, in a clear light, the palpable defect of the confederation, in not having provided for a separation of the legislative, executive and judiciary functions; and this defect, together with the want of adequate powers in the general government to collect their contributions and to regulate commerce, was the great cause which led to the formation and adoption of our present constitution." [2]
Thomson expressed his dissatisfaction with the Committee’s continued presence in Annapolis, a location he considered unsuitable for productive political work. On July 23, 1784, he wrote to John Read of South Carolina, voicing his frustrations:
"I acknowledge, my dear sir, the beauties and agreeable situation of Annapolis, and will admit that the graces and charms of its nymphs are not excelled by those of the inhabitants of Calypso's isle. And were you and your associates in pursuit only of love and pleasure, I would allow there is no place where you could more properly fix your habitation. But these are not the objects of the patriot's pursuit. The dance, the ball, and continued round of pleasure are not the means of promoting the interests of his country, guarding its rights, and advancing its happiness and prosperity. I confess, therefore, I should not be sorry if some kind of monster, I care not whether in the form of a mosquito, or a fever and ague, were to drive you from that enchanting place into the walks of politics, and force you to turn your attention to the concerns of this young and rising empire which demands your care." [3]
When informed by Mr. Bankson on August 13, 1784, that the Committee’s dissolution was imminent, Thomson responded with alarm. In a letter to Hardy, he wrote:
"Can it be possible that gentlemen will take such a rash step as to dissolve the Committee and leave the United States without any head or visible authority? Have they considered what may be the consequences? At this moment, if I am rightly informed, there is a war carrying on between the people of Connecticut and Pennsylvania at Wyoming. The frontiers are in a state of anxiety respecting the disposition of the Indians. Who is to convene the States if the Committee is dissolved? If Annapolis is become inconvenient or dangerous on account of the sickly season approaching, could not the Committee have adjourned to this place or to Trenton?" [4]
Thomson’s correspondence with American diplomats also sheds light on the broader political climate. Writing to John Jay on June 18, 1784, he provided updates on significant developments:
"I have the pleasure to inform you that on the 7th of May Congress elected you Secretary of Foreign Affairs. I do not know how you will be pleased with the appointment but this I am aware of, that your country stands in need of your abilities in that office. I feel sensibly that it is not only time, but highly necessary for us to think and act like a sovereign as well as a free people, and I wish this sentiment were more deeply impressed on the members of every State in the Union. The opportunities you will have of corresponding not only with the executives, but with the several legislatures, in discharging the duties of your office, will I trust, greatly contribute to raise and promote this spirit. And this is a reason why I wish you were here to enter on the business. On the same day that you were elected to the office for foreign affairs, Congress appointed Mr. Jefferson in addition to Mr. J. Adams and Mr. B. Franklin for the purpose of negotiating commercial treaties with the powers of Europe." [5]
Thomson’s August 13, 1784, letter to Benjamin Franklin offers a comprehensive review of the nation’s political state:
"My Dear Friend: The renewal of our ancient correspondence and receipt of your letter excited those sensations which real friends feel on meeting unexpectedly after a long separation. As Mr. Jefferson, who I hope is by this time safe arrived, will explain matters to you and make you fully acquainted with the state of our affairs, I shall no longer conceal from you the circumstance of the omission of the signature of letter on June 7th last, which procured me the favor of hearing from you oftener than I had done. The letter was to have been signed by the President as the latter was on the point of sailing, and the captain only waiting for the dispatch. I copied the letter in Congress and delivered it to the President, who sealed it up in a hurry without putting his name toit. So that my letters to you are all private, and this will explain the reason why they generally contain nothing of public affairs.
I am sensible you must have been for a considerable time past greatly at a loss for want of official communications, and though I often wished to give you some, yet I forbore for reasons which if ever I shall be so happy as to have a personal interview I can express, which I am persuaded you will deem satisfactory. But this inconvenience will be obviated if Mr. Jay, who with his family arrived at New York the 24th of July, and who as I mentioned to you in a former letter, is appointed Secretary of Foreign Affairs, accepts that office as I hope he will. Though I must confess my hope is founded more on my wishes than on any solid reason. I have written and informed him of his appointment and urged his acceptance, but have not yet received his answer.Colonel Harmer, who arrived with the Marquis de Lafayette after a fine passage of thirty-five days, delivered me on the 8th instant your letter of the I4th of June, with a copy of that of the I3th of May, which I had received before, announcing the exchange of the ratification of the definitive treaty of peace ; on this happy completion of our hazardous enterprise I most sincerely congratulate you. It is an event which I have devoutly wished, and yet I cannot but say, the prospect of it has often excited many uneasy apprehensions. From the first appeal to arms, and through the whole contest, I never had a doubt of the issue, but I was afraid it would come upon us before we were prepared to receive it, and before we had acquired national principles, habits and sentiments which would enable us to improve it to advantage and to act becoming our station and dignity.
I need not mention to you who know so well the peculiar circumstances of America at the commencement of this revolution. The several colonies were distinct and separate governments, each jealous of another, and kept apart by local interests and prejudices. Being wholly dependent on Great Britain, they were secluded from all negotiations with foreign courts and almost from all intercourse with foreign nations. Having never been much taxed, nor for any length of time they had no funds whereon to ground public credit. Those who know the difficulty which old established nations experience in their attempts to introduce new arrangements either in government, police, or finance, will readily conceive what we have had to encounter, more especially when it is considered that the ancient governments being dissolved, the people were thrown into a state of nature, that property being equally divided, and the feudal system unknown in this country, there were no individuals to whom the people were accustomed to look up and who could influence their conduct or opinions. And even when new governments were adopted, the ideas of liberty which prevailed, threw the whole power into the hands of the people, and the rotation which took place in the legislatures and executives of the several states afforded little opportunity of acquiring national sentiments.
Notwithstanding all this, we have made considerable progress in the short space of eight years, the time elapsed since we became a nation.and I am happy to think that the people every day become more and more impressed with the necessity of honorably discharging our debts, supporting public credit, and establishing a national character. And though Rhode Island still holds out and refuses her assent to the impost of five per cent, yet as all the other states have agreed to the measure, I have strong hopes that she may be induced to come into it, or that some means will be devised to overcome the obstacle which her refusal throws in the way. In like manner, I am persuaded the people of these states will quickly find it to be their interest as well as of absolute necessity to be faithful in the observance of treaties and to avoid internal contentions and divisions. There is no doubt but Great Britain will watch for advantages, if not to recover what she has lost, at least to be revenged for what she has suffered. And that everything will be attempted and every artifice used which malice can suggest to break our connection with France and sow dissensions among the states. The easy access which foreigners have to these states and the ready reception they meet with afford favorable opportunities of putting their arts in practice. And it is worthy of observation that it is strangers lately come among us whom we know nothing of, joined with men who to say the least of them, were lukewarm in our cause and of doubtful characters, who are now most active in sowing jealousies of France from an affected regard for our liberty, and a zeal to preserve this country from foreign influence. I think it therefore highly necessary both for France and America to be on their guard and not to suffer themselves to be duped by the arts of their common enemy.
The atrocious unprovoked outrage lately committed in this city by one Longchamps, a vagabond Frenchman, seems to carry strong marks of a premeditated design to embroil us with France, and what makes this still more probable, is the palliating account given of this affair in a paper newly set up here as if for the purpose, entitled the Courier de I' Amerique, which is conducted by Boniod and Gaillard, who came to this place last fall about the same time as Longchamps. The whole complexion of this paper evidences a marked inveteracy against France and a strong desire to excite fears and jealousies, or at least to give an unfavorable impression of her. I am glad to find that the zeal of the authors has hurried them into a palpable manifestation of their design, and that suspicions are already raised which I trust will guard against the influence of the poison they mean to convey.
I send you the Courier de I' Amerique as far as published, and some other papers of the day, which will explain the circumstances of the outrage committed by Longchamps and the measures taken by the government, and in consequence thereof, I must inform you that the judges have not yet given an answer to the last letter of the President. The question whether Longchamps can be legally delivered up by Council according to the claim made by the late Minister of France, was publicly argued by lawyers before the Judges, who still have it under advisement. In the meanwhile, Longchamps is confined in prison. The matter is laid before the legislature who have now under consideration a bill which I have no doubt they will pass, effectually securing the rights and immunities of public ministers and punishing the violators of them.
It may not be amiss to acquaint you that from his own showing, it appears that Longchamps had been an officer in the French service; that in 1776, he came to America and went to our camp before Boston, where he -was cordially received ; that after being in our camp and about headquarters for some weeks, he took advantage of a pass given for the purpose of going into the country, to slip into Boston, which we were besieging; that he wanted permission of General Gage to come again into our camp, but for some reason that does not appear, it was not granted. In short, from many circumstances there is reason to suspect that at that time he either was or wished to be employed as a spy by the British General. Whether his late crime is the effect of sudden passion or the result of premeditated plan may possibly in time be manifested.
There is a circumstance in the conduct of Longchamps not mentioned in any of the papers, which it may not be improper to inform you of. On the 17th, he committed the first insult; on the 18th, he went to a justice of the peace and took an oath of allegiance to the State, after which he perpetrated the outrage of the 19th. His views in taking the oath have dow and children enjoy a pension from the Assembly of that State agreeably to a recommendation of Congress. I need not mention with what marks of cordiality and affection the Marquis de la Fayette, who came to this place last Monday, was received by all ranks of people. His stay was short, as he was anxious to see General Washington. He left town this morning and expects to be back in three or four weeks. Mr. Laurens is arrived at New York, but not yet come forward. I intended to have troubled Mr. Jefferson with a line by this opportunity, but my letter to you has insensibly become so long that I shall not have time. You will please to make my respectful compliments to him and to Mr. Adams. With sincere affection and esteem, I am, Dear Sir, Your old friend, Charles Thomson." [6]
In his later years, Thomson reflected on the challenges and opportunities of the Revolution with a philosophical perspective. In an August 22, 1784, letter to Hon. J. Montgomery, he noted:
"I have received your favor of the 2d in which you seem to think hard of your not receiving an answer to your letter on C.'s affair. I thought by this time your experience had taught you that there are mysteries in government which little folks are not to be permitted to pry into, and which are only to be communicated to such as are deeply skilled in what the wise King James used to call kingcraft." [7]
These letters highlight Thomson’s dedication, his nuanced understanding of governance, and his efforts to hold the Union together during its formative years.
[1] Collections of the New York Historical Society for the Year 1878, p. 33.
[2] Life of Thomas Jefferson, by B. L. Rayner, p. 206.
[3] Collections of the New York Historical Society for the Year 1878, p. 35.
[4] Ibid., p. 38.
[5] Ibid., p. 41.
[6] Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Thomson Papers.
[7] Correspondence of Charles Thomson, August 22, 1784.
The most significant legislation passed by the United States in Congress Assembled (USCA), the Northwest Ordinance, was executed by Charles Thomson as Secretary and distributed to the states. On July 13, 1787, the USCA issued the ordinance, which declared that the land northwest of the Ohio River and east of the Mississippi would be settled and organized into "not less than three nor more than five territories." The ordinance established a governance framework that guaranteed fundamental rights such as freedom of religion, trial by jury, public education, and a prohibition on slavery. Its provisions marked a milestone in American governance and territorial expansion.
The text of the ordinance began as follows:
"An Ordinance for the government of the Territory of the United States northwest of the River Ohio.
Section 1. Be it ordained by the United States in Congress assembled, that the said territory, for the purposes of temporary government, be one district, subject, however, to be divided into two districts, as future circumstances may, in the opinion of Congress, make it expedient." [1]
The Northwest Ordinance's Lasting Impact
The ordinance was revolutionary in its approach, particularly with Article V, which allowed inhabitants of the Northwest Territory to settle, establish a territorial government, and eventually petition for statehood. This provision established a precedent for the orderly expansion of the United States. By granting new states full equality with the original 13, it eliminated the colonial subjugation model often practiced by European empires. The principle enshrined in Article V ultimately guided the inclusion of states like Alaska and Hawaii into the Union, making this framework the cornerstone of America’s westward expansion.
The ordinance also guaranteed that citizens in the new territories would enjoy the same rights and privileges as those in the existing states, underscoring the equal footing of all states in the Union.
Equally groundbreaking was Article VI, which stated:
"There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." [2]
This provision not only prohibited slavery and involuntary servitude in the Northwest Territory but also gave a practical nod to the Declaration of Independence’s assertion that "all men are created equal." While its implementation faced challenges, the article represented a clear legislative step toward curbing the institution of slavery.
Article III further reflected the moral and educational aspirations of the fledgling nation:
"Religion, Morality, and knowledge being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, Schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged." [3]
This provision underscored the importance of education and religious principles as foundations of governance. Although federal support for these ideals faded with the dissolution of the USCA, several states adopted similar policies to support education and religious institutions during the 18th and 19th centuries.
Concurrent Developments: The Philadelphia Convention
Meanwhile, in Philadelphia, 12 states assembled to "revise" the Articles of Confederation. On May 25, 1787, George Washington was unanimously elected president of the convention. James Madison recorded the proceedings:
"Friday 25 of May … Mr. Robert Morris informed the members assembled that by the instruction & in behalf, of the deputation of Pennsylvania he proposed George Washington Esqr. late Commander in chief for president of the Convention. Mr. Jno. Rutlidge seconded the motion; expressing his confidence that the choice would be unanimous, and observing that the presence of Genl Washington forbade any observations on the occasion which might otherwise be proper.
General [Washington] was accordingly unanimously elected by ballot, and conducted to the chair by Mr. R. Morris and Mr. Rutlidge; from which in a very emphatic manner he thanked the Convention for the honor they had conferred on him, reminded them of the novelty of the scene of business in which he was to act, lamented his want of [better qualifications], and claimed the indulgence of the House towards the involuntary errors which his inexperience might occasion." [4]
The delegates adopted rules of secrecy to ensure candid discussions. Notes were forbidden to be removed without consent, and the yeas and nays were not recorded. At the conclusion of the convention, Washington ordered that all records be burned except for the Journals, which he retained personally. The public remained largely unaware of the convention’s details until 1819, when the Journals were published, and even more information surfaced with the sale of James Madison’s notes to the Library of Congress in 1843.
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National Collegiate Honor’s Council (NCHC) Partners in the Park Federal Hall Class of 2017 in front of Fraunces Tavern, which is a national historic landmark, museum, and restaurant in New York City, situated at 54 Pearl Street at the corner of Broad Street. The location played a prominent role in pre-Revolution, American Revolution and post-Revolution history, serving as a headquarters for George Washington, a venue for peace negotiations with the British, and housing federal offices in the Early Republic. The picture is flanked with Andrew Cuevas in the Tavern holding an April 1, 1786, USCA Secretary Charles Thomson letter transmitting the USCA Journals and legislation to Governor Samuel Huntington in Connecticut. - For more information visit our National Park and NCHC Partners in the Park Class of 2017website |
Thomson's Role in the Ratification of the Constitution
Though Charles Thomson did not attend the Philadelphia Convention, he was present at the USCA's debates on the proposed Constitution, submitted to the USCA on September 17, 1787. The delegates to the convention had overstepped their original mandate from the February 21, 1787, USCA resolution, which authorized only revisions to the Articles of Confederation. Instead, they proposed a new Constitution that discarded the Articles entirely, bypassing the unanimity requirement in Article XIII of the Articles:
"Every State shall abide by the determination of the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions which by this confederation are submitted to them. And the Articles of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them; unless such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of every State." [5]
The debates within the 1787 USCA regarding the proposed Constitution remain largely enigmatic due to the secrecy that shrouded the sessions. However, from the notes of New York delegate Melancton Smith, which were made public in 1959, we learn that most USCA delegates believed they possessed the authority to modify the new Constitution before transmitting it to the states for consideration. This perspective was challenged by key figures like James Madison, Rufus King, and Nathaniel Gorham, who argued against any alterations by the USCA, emphasizing that the Convention’s proposal should be sent to the states unaltered.
In the absence of a Supreme Court or any higher judicial body, the USCA acted as the ultimate authority on constitutional matters, both legislatively and judicially. Virginia delegate Richard Henry Lee emerged as the leader of the “9-13 opposition,” advocating for unanimous ratification by state conventions, adhering to the unanimity requirement established by the Articles of Confederation. This position underscored the tension between those seeking a seamless transition to the new Constitution and those wary of bypassing existing legal frameworks.
Despite what was clealy a constitutional crisis, the USCA transmitted the new Constitution to the states with the following resolution on September 28, 1787:
"Congress having received the report of the Convention lately assembled in Philadelphia: Resolved Unanimously that the said Report with the resolutions and letter accompanying the same be transmitted to the several legislatures in Order to be submitted to a convention of Delegates chosen in each state by the people thereof in conformity to the resolves of the Convention made and provided in that case." [6]
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US Constitution of 1787, United States in Congress Assembled Enabling Resolution Broadside date September 13th, 1788, and signed by USCA Secretary Charles Thomson. |
[1] Journals of the Continental Congress, July 13, 1787.
[2] Northwest Ordinance, Article VI.
[3] Northwest Ordinance, Article III.
[4] Notes of Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787, James Madison.
[5] Articles of Confederation, Article XIII.
[6] Journals of the Continental Congress, September 28, 1787.
[7] Journals of the Continental Congress, September 13, 1788.
Relocating the Final Federal Capital: Walter Livingston's House and the End of the USCA
As the United States in Congress Assembled (USCA) prepared to transition to the new government established by the Constitution, practical issues regarding the location of federal offices and records became urgent. On October 2, 1788, Congress deliberated on where to relocate Secretary Charles Thomson’s office and the nation's vital documents while extensive renovations were underway on the federal building in New York City. These renovations, agreed upon with New York City's Mayor James Duane and the city council, were designed to prepare the building for the incoming federal government.
Walter Livingston's house, rather than Fraunces Tavern, was chosen as the primary option for temporary quarters. By October 1788, the USCA considered leasing this property as the final federal capital under the Articles of Confederation. On October 2, 1788, Congress passed the following resolution:
The committee consisting of Mr. [Thomas Tudor] Tucker, Mr. [John] Parker, and Mr. [Abraham] Clark to whom was referred a letter from the Mayor of the city of New York to the Delegates having reported, That it appears from the letter referred to them, that the repairs and alterations intended to be made in the buildings in which Congress at present Assemble, will render it highly inconvenient for them to continue business therein, that it will therefore be necessary to provide some other place for their accommodation, the committee having made enquiry find no place more proper for this purpose than the two Apartments now appropriated for the Office of Foreign Affairs. They therefore recommend that the said Apartments be immediately prepared for the reception of Congress and the papers of the Secretary. Resolved, that Congress agree to the said report [1].
Renovations on what would become Federal Hall began on October 6, 1788. In the meantime, Congress officially moved its operations to Walter Livingston's house. On October 8, Congress resumed its deliberations, addressing a variety of issues. Among these was a motion by Henry Lee, seconded by John Armstrong, regarding naval accounts. The resolution read:
That considering the peculiar circumstances attending the case of Muscoe Livingston, late a Lieutenant in the navy of the United States, in the settlement of his accounts, Resolved, that the Commissioner for the marine department adjust the said account, any resolution of Congress to the contrary notwithstanding [2].
Congress also reviewed correspondence from Governor Arthur St. Clair concerning the Northwest Territory. On October 9, Congress addressed a lottery claim and passed a resolution allowing the Board of Treasury to satisfy the claim under specific conditions. The resolution stipulated:
That the beneficiaries do give security that no further Claim on account of said Prize Ticket shall be made upon the United States by the Heirs, Executors or Administrators of the said deceased, Gail, or either of them [3].
The Final Days of the USCA
On October 10, 1788, representatives from Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina convened as the USCA. New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Delaware, and Maryland sent only one delegate each, and Georgia sent none, as had often been the case during earlier sessions of the Continental Congress. In its last official act, the USCA suspended the work of the commissioners tasked with settling the states' Continental accounts. The final motion, introduced by Abraham Clark and seconded by Hugh Williamson, stated:
That the Secretary at War be and he hereby is directed to forbear issuing warrants for bounties of land to such of the officers of the late army who have neglected to account for monies by them received as pay masters of Regiments, or for recruiting or other public service, until such officers respectively shall have settled their accounts with the commissioner of army accounts, or others legally authorized to settle the same, and have paid the balances that may be found due from them, into the treasury of the United States, anything in the land ordinance passed the 9th day of July 1788 to the contrary notwithstanding [4].
The measure was tabled, and the session adjourned. Efforts to reassemble a quorum in subsequent days failed, marking October 10, 1788, as the final official session of the USCA. However, residual duties required some delegates, including President Cyrus Griffin, to remain in New York City until the new government convened on March 4, 1789.
Charles Thomson, meticulous as ever, recorded the waning activities of the USCA in his journal:
October 1 Rejects Silas Deane settlement of Beaumarchais' accounts.
October 2 Receives report on war department inquiry.
October 6-7 Fails to achieve quorum.
October 8 Receives communications on Indian relations in the western territory.
October 10 Suspends the work of the commissioners appointed to settle the states' Continental accounts; adjourns what proves to be its final session under the Articles of Confederation.
October 13-16 Fails to achieve quorum.
October 21 Fails to achieve quorum.
November 1 Fails to achieve quorum.
November 3 Assembles for the new federal year; only two delegates attending.
November 15-March 2 Secretary Charles Thomson records occasional attendance of 17 additional delegates.
July 25, 1789 Secretary Thomson delivers papers and records of the Confederation to new federal government [5].
Thomson’s Legacy and Retirement
As the government transitioned under the new Constitution, Thomson’s career in public service drew to a close. For nearly 15 years, Thomson had been a pillar of stability and institutional memory. His dedication was recognized by Congress, which presented him with a silver urn inscribed as a token of gratitude.
Following his retirement, Thomson turned to scholarly pursuits. In 1808, he completed the first American translation of the Septuagint, the Greek Old Testament, into English. This four-volume work, along with his translation of the New Testament, remains a monumental achievement in biblical scholarship. Thomson’s translations reflected the same meticulous care he had applied to his duties as Secretary, leaving behind a legacy that bridged the realms of governance and intellectual inquiry.
Conclusion
Charles Thomson’s contributions to the fledgling United States cannot be overstated. As Secretary of the Continental Congress and later the USCA, he was instrumental in preserving the records, maintaining continuity, and providing steady leadership during turbulent times. His unshakable commitment to the Revolutionary cause and the principles of liberty underscored his every action.
The transition from the Articles of Confederation to the Constitution marked the end of an era, and Thomson’s withdrawal from public life symbolized the closing chapter of the Revolutionary generation. His later life, dedicated to translating sacred texts, was a testament to his enduring intellectual vigor and moral conviction. Charles Thomson remains a figure of profound historical importance, embodying the resilience, vision, and dedication that defined the early American Republic.
Footnotes
[1] Journals of the USCA, October 2, 1788.
[2] Journals of the USCA, October 8, 1788.
[3] Journals of the USCA, October 9, 1788.
[4] Journals of the USCA, October 10, 1788.
[5] Charles Thomson's Journal, October-November 1788.
[2] Indeed, some of the most honored names in our history were redemptioners, such as Charles Thomson, Secretary of Congress during the Revolution; Matthew Thornton, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, and the parents of Major General Sullivan."—Scharf's History Of Maryland, Vol. i, p. 373.
[3] Watson's Annals of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania," Vol. I, p. 568.
[4]This institution was founded in 1749, as an academy and charitable school. In 1755, it was chartered as the College, Academy, and Charitable School of Philadelphia, and after a series of troubles during the Revolution, it was finally incorporated in 1791, as the University of Pennsylvania
[5] Journals of the Continental Congresss, July 12, 1776
[6] Winthrop Sargent, The Life and Career of Major John Andre, Adjutant-general of the British. New York: William Ahbatt, 1902.
[7] James McClure, Nine Months in York Town. York, PA: York Daily Record, 2001.
[8] Letter from John Adams to Abigail Adams, 30 September 1777. Original manuscript from the Adams Family Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society.
[9] General John Burgoyne (24 February 1722 – 4 August 1792) was a British army officer charged with gaining control of Lake Champlain and the Hudson River valley. This would divide New England from the southern colonies ending the rebellion. On 17 October, 1777, during the Saratoga campaign he surrendered his army of 6,000 men to General Horatio Gates and the northern Continental Army.
[10] John Adams, 30 September, 1777, op. cit.
September 5, 1774 | October 22, 1774 | |
October 22, 1774 | October 26, 1774 | |
May 20, 1775 | May 24, 1775 | |
May 25, 1775 | July 1, 1776 |
July 2, 1776 to February 28, 1781
July 2, 1776 | October 29, 1777 | |
November 1, 1777 | December 9, 1778 | |
December 10, 1778 | September 28, 1779 | |
September 29, 1779 | February 28, 1781 |
March 1, 1781 to March 3, 1789
March 1, 1781 | July 6, 1781 | |
July 10, 1781 | Declined Office | |
July 10, 1781 | November 4, 1781 | |
November 5, 1781 | November 3, 1782 | |
November 4, 1782 | November 2, 1783 | |
November 3, 1783 | June 3, 1784 | |
November 30, 1784 | November 22, 1785 | |
November 23, 1785 | June 5, 1786 | |
June 6, 1786 | February 1, 1787 | |
February 2, 1787 | January 21, 1788 | |
January 22, 1788 | January 21, 1789 |
Commander-in-Chief United States of America
United States in Congress Assembled (USCA) Sessions
USCA | Session Dates | USCA Convene Date | President(s) |
First | 03-01-1781 to 11-04-1781* | 03-02-1781 | |
Second | 11-05-1781 to 11-03-1782 | 11-05-1781 | |
Third | 11-04-1782 to 11-02-1783 | 11-04-1782 | |
Fourth | 11-03-1783 to 10-31-1784 | 11-03-1783 | |
Fifth | 11-01-1784 to 11-06-1785 | 11-29-1784 | |
Sixth | 11-07-1785 to 11-05-1786 | 11-23-1785 | |
Seventh | 11-06-1786 to 11-04-1787 | 02-02-1787 | |
Eighth | 11-05-1787 to 11-02-1788 | 01-21-1788 | |
Ninth | 11-03-1788 to 03-03-1789** | None | None |
* The Articles of Confederation was ratified by the mandated 13th State on February 2, 1781, and the dated adopted by the Continental Congress to commence the new United States in Congress Assembled government was March 1, 1781. The USCA convened under the Articles of Confederation Constitution on March 2, 1781.** On September 14, 1788, the Eighth United States in Congress Assembled resolved that March 4th, 1789, would be commencement date of the Constitution of 1787's federal government thus dissolving the USCA on March 3rd, 1789.
Philadelphia | Sept. 5, 1774 to Oct. 24, 1774 | |
Philadelphia | May 10, 1775 to Dec. 12, 1776 | |
Baltimore | Dec. 20, 1776 to Feb. 27, 1777 | |
Philadelphia | March 4, 1777 to Sept. 18, 1777 | |
Lancaster | September 27, 1777 | |
York | Sept. 30, 1777 to June 27, 1778 | |
Philadelphia | July 2, 1778 to June 21, 1783 | |
Princeton | June 30, 1783 to Nov. 4, 1783 | |
Annapolis | Nov. 26, 1783 to Aug. 19, 1784 | |
Trenton | Nov. 1, 1784 to Dec. 24, 1784 | |
New York City | Jan. 11, 1785 to Nov. 13, 1788 | |
New York City | October 6, 1788 to March 3,1789 | |
New York City | March 3,1789 to August 12, 1790 | |
Philadelphia | Dec. 6,1790 to May 14, 1800 | |
Washington DC | November 17,1800 to Present |
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